The Awami National Party (ANP), a centre-left nationalist party, is one of the primary losers of the 2014 election, which was possibly the most unpopular and unfair in Pakistan. It won only one seat in its stronghold, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), and two provincial seats in the Balochistan Assembly.
Many people did not expect the ANP to be a huge winner in the province, but they also did not expect the ANP to lose by such a large margin. Until last year, most people believed that the ANP, along with the Maulana Fazlur Rahman-led JUI-F, would be the dominant force in KP. These observers expected that the powers that be would hand over control of the province to the JUI-F.
Now, the PTI’s surprising success, in which its candidates running as independents won a two-thirds majority in KP and the most seats in the National Assembly, has proved many commentators and political analysts wrong.
Many people have evaluated and remarked on the ANP’s catastrophic defeat in the KP Assembly elections. To a layperson like myself, the ANP’s downfall can be attributed to both internal and external forces. These causes concern leadership, obsolete narratives, and faults in political maneuvering or methods.
Former ANP leaders included Wali Khan. Asfandyar Wali Khan, Wali Khan’s son, guided the team to their most recent success in KP.
Despite a few flaws, the province’s previous ANP-led government succeeded admirably in combating terrorism despite losing many workers and leaders to the threat.
Many consider the then-chief minister, Amir Haider Khan Hoti, to be a capable leader in the province, as his government did well not only in lawmaking but also in other crucial sectors such as education. The ANP is also largely responsible for the famous 18th Amendment, which was passed in 2010. Additionally, the party effectively negotiated the provinces’ rights on areas relating to the distribution of the National Finance Commission (NFC) Award.
Many ANP supporters would perceive the presidency of the ANP as coming from the Wali Bagh family and desired to have Amir Haider Hoti as its president instead. But this did not happen, and the son of Asfandiyar Wali Khan was ‘elected’ as the party’s president.
Many people still believe that Aimal Wali Khan is not leading the party efficiently. Many supporters regard him as an irresponsible individual. Keeping the party’s leadership in the Wali Bagh has pushed it closer into the ranks of dynastic parties like the PML-N and the PPP.
Second, the Pashtun-centric narrative was no longer effective. This cause has been openly, powerfully, and clearly taken over by the rights movement, the PTM. This movement has directly fought for the rights of victims of the ‘war on terror’ and missing persons, thereby touching their wounds. It has also questioned Pakistan’s strong quarters, resulting in institutional persecution.
The ANP has been cautious about backing the PTM’s narrative. It even evicted a few stalwarts, including Afrasiab Khattak and Bushra Gohar, for allegedly backing the PTM. Many saw this action as the ANP’s attempt to entice the powers that be into another round of power-sharing in the province. Later, when the ANP supported a no-confidence motion against the PTI administration in early 2022, many pundits agreed with their judgment.
